Iiyana Kuziemko
Elisa Jácome
Juan Pablo Rud
Bridget Hofmann
Sumaiya Rahman
Martin Nybom
Stephen Machin
Hans van Kippersluis
Anne C. Gielen
Espen Bratberg
Jo Blanden
Adrian Adermon
Maximilian Hell
Robert Manduca
Robert Manduca
Marta Morazzoni
Aadesh Gupta
David Wengrow
Damian Phelan
Amanda Dahlstrand
Andrea Guariso
Erika Deserranno
Lukas Hensel
Stefano Caria
Vrinda Mittal
Ararat Gocmen
Clara Martínez-Toledano
Yves Steinebach
Breno Sampaio
Joana Naritomi
Diogo Britto
François Gerard
Filippo Pallotti
Heather Sarsons
Kristóf Madarász
Anna Becker
Lucas Conwell
Michela Carlana
Katja Seim
Joao Granja
Jason Sockin
Todd Schoellman
Paolo Martellini
UCL Policy Lab
Natalia Ramondo
Javier Cravino
Vanessa Alviarez
Hugo Reis
Pedro Carneiro
Raul Santaeulalia-Llopis
Diego Restuccia
Chaoran Chen
Brad J. Hershbein
Claudia Macaluso
Chen Yeh
Xuan Tam
Xin Tang
Marina M. Tavares
Adrian Peralta-Alva
Carlos Carillo-Tudela
Felix Koenig
Joze Sambt
Ronald Lee
James Sefton
David McCarthy
Bledi Taska
Carter Braxton
Alp Simsek
Plamen T. Nenov
Gabriel Chodorow-Reich
Virgiliu Midrigan
Corina Boar
Sauro Mocetti
Guglielmo Barone
Steven J. Davis
Nicholas Bloom
José María Barrero
Thomas Sampson
Adrien Matray
Natalie Bau
Darryl Koehler
Laurence J. Kotlikoff
Alan J. Auerbach
Irina Popova
Alexander Ludwig
Dirk Krueger
Nicola Fuchs-Schündeln
Taylor Jaworski
Walker Hanlon
Ludo Visschers
Henrik Kleven
Kristian Jakobsen
Katrine Marie Jakobsen
Alessandro Guarnieri
Tanguy van Ypersele
Fabien Petit
Cecilia García-Peñalosa
Yonatan Berman
Nina Weber
Julian Limberg
Vincent Sterk
Davide Melcangi
Enrico Miglino
Fabian Kosse
Daniel Wilhelm
Azeem M. Shaikh
Joseph Romano
Magne Mogstad
Suresh Naidu
Ilyana Kuziemko
Daniel Herbst
Henry Farber
Lisa Windsteiger
Ruben Durante
Mathias Dolls
Cevat Giray Aksoy
Angel Sánchez
Penélope Hernández
Antonio Cabrales
Wendy Carlin
Suphanit Piyapromdee
Garud Iyengar
Willemien Kets
Rajiv Sethi
Ralph Luetticke
Benjamin Born
Amy Bogaard
Mattia Fochesato
Samuel Bowles
Guanyi Wang
CORE Econ
David Cai
Toru Kitagawa
Michela Tincani
Christian Bayer
Arun Advani
Elliott Ash
Imran Rasul

Technology gaps, trade and income

What is this research about and why did you do it?

How important is innovation in determining cross-country income inequality? More innovative firms and countries use better technologies, but the size of international technology gaps depends upon the rate of international knowledge diffusion. When diffusion is fast, the technology gap between innovators and imitators is small, whereas slow diffusion leads to large technology gaps.  This research studies the origins and consequences of technology gaps. How do innovation and knowledge diffusion determine the size of technology gaps? And what fraction of cross-country income differences are accounted for by technology gaps? Addressing these questions provides new evidence on why some countries are richer than others.

How did you answer this question?

The paper develops and estimates a quantitative model of innovation and adoption in open economies. Crucially, it shows that the size of technology gaps can be measured by combining data on how much countries innovate with information on bilateral trade flows. More innovative countries have a comparative advantage in more innovation-dependent industries. Consequently, the magnitude of equilibrium technology gaps can be inferred by estimating the effect of innovation on comparative advantage. In contrast to previous development accounting research that obtains productivity indirectly using the Solow residual, this approach provides a direct measure of technology differences across industries and countries.

What did you find?

Technology gaps account for an important share of international income differences. The figure below plots how the wages and income per capita of OECD countries (relative to the United States) would change in a world without technology gaps caused by differences in innovation. It shows that poorer countries benefit in relative terms, leading to a decline in international inequality. Nominal wages relative to the United States increase by around 20 percent on average. The results imply that technology gaps account for one-quarter to one-third of nominal wage dispersion within the OECD and around 15 percent of dispersion in real income per capita.

 

Counterfactual changes in log nominal wages and log real income per capita by country plotted against observed values in 2012. Counterfactual eliminates technology gaps due to differences in innovativeness. All variables normalized to zero for the United States.

Source: Sampson (2023).

What implications does this have for the study (research and teaching) of wealth concentration or economic inequality?

Understanding the origins of cross-country differences in income inequality is one of the central concerns of economies. This research provides new evidence on how a country’s innovativeness affects its relative standard of living. The findings highlight the importance of studying why some countries are more innovative than others and which policies encourage innovation. At the same time, it shows that other determinants – such as factor endowments and allocative efficiency – account for the majority of cross-country income variation.

What are the next steps in your agenda?

My next project studies how differences in innovativeness across countries affect the optimal strength of patent protection. Should all countries provide similar patent rights, or does it make sense for poorer, less innovative countries to offer weaker protection?

Citation

Sampson, T. (2023). "Technology Gaps, Trade, and Income." American Economic Review, 113 (2), pp472-513.

 

About the authors